"Mexico Business Opportunities
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MACRO-ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK

AN OVERVIEW OF
THE MEXICAN ECONOMY IN 1995

Problems and Prospects for Macroeconomic Stabilization

                                             by Roberto Salinas León
                                             Executive Director
                                             Centro de Investigaciones Sobre la Libre Empresa

"1995 will be a year of adjustment ..."
Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León

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This declaration is a tacit admission that 1995 will be characterized by contraction in economic growth, rising inflation and null access to credit. In business terms, this signifies a decline in profit margins, acute unemployment, bankruptcies all across the private sector, low stock market performance, and higher debt servicing costs. The financial crisis brought about by the currency collapse in December 1994 has not diminished in the wake of strong emergency initiatives to neutralize a nervous market, including the availability of extensive credit lines supplied through the massive US$52 billion package. The second phase of austerity measures entail draconian fiscal and monetary policy to neutralize inflation expectations associated with a lower parity. This implies a severe contraction of credit. In a word, the challenge in 1995 is: survive.

The Economics of the Currency Crisis

The attempts to explain the intensity of the financial crisis generally fail to note the role of one crucial but unquantifiable variable: confidence. The major factor behind the volatile behavior of exchange and financial markets in the first quarter of the year was the loss of credibility with respect to the long-term reliability of the domestic investment regime. The emergency program sought to remedy the short-term adjustments, but still require a basis in a new parity regime and a long-term economic framework. The latter has been produced in the form of the National Development Plan 1995-2000.

The Zedillo administration inherited a strategic dilemma in exchange-rate policy. The growth of the current account deficit, projected at US$31 billion for 1995 and higher thereafter, was assumed a constant factor for forthcoming years in light of two variables: strong private capital flows and trade liberalization under NAFTA. However, political turbulence in 1994 had shifted an excessive reliance on high interest rates as the primary mechanism to sustain strong capital inflows. This generated a decision-making problem associated with the following alternatives:

The Zedillo administration opted for the second alternative, but the strategy backfired. The collapse of confidence forced the central bank to switch to a floating exchange-rate, thus effectively bringing about a sharp 40% devaluation of the peso vis-á-vis the U.S. dollar. The Wall Street Journal encapsulates the principal damage of this phenomenon: "... with the devaluation, the government sacrificed its most valuable, forward-moving asset: market confidence." According to the central bank, the day after the decision to amplify the fluctuation band, the country experienced the largest amount of capital flight observed in a 24 hour period: some US$5 billion in cash.

The collapse of market confidence caused uncontrollable panic in financial sectors and vitiated the positive results obtained since 1989 in macroeconomic stabilization. In the first days of the Zedillo administration, stability has been replaced by stagflation.

In retrospect, the financial crisis engendered by the devaluation appears to have an origin in the simultaneous combination of three fundamental errors:

  1. In 1994, fiscal and monetary policy witnessed a departure from the principles of strict discipline and stability observed in earlier years - mostly for political reasons. The fiscal slippage derived from "financial intermediation" of state-run development banks amounted to 4.4% of GDP. In addition, the central bank opted for an expansion of internal credit (an estimated increase of 14% in real terms) instead of a hike in interest rates to compensate negative capital outflows resulting from falling international reserves. In short, too many pesos were chasing too few U.S. dollars.

  2. An excessive reliance on short-run debt and volatile short-term capital flows to finance external accounts. In the period 1990-1994, it is estimated that over 70% of new capital inflows were channeled through securitized financial markets and short-term instruments. This made the large requirements of the capital account highly vulnerable to sudden shifts in investor perception.

  3. A poor policy approach to a delicate situation. The absence of a new exchange-rate regime to substitute the band system, coupled with the lack of specific strategies designed to neutralize the negative impact of devaluation, sent financial markets into a frenzy of panic-driven capital flight.

Problems and Prospects

The early failure to stabilize macroeconomic indicators, as well as the exchange and financial markets, has led the Zedillo administration to project three different consecutive outlooks for 1995. In general, urgent stabilization is required before some of the principal long-term problems can be properly addressed. So far, the administration has not produced a more stable exchange-rate regime, although it foreshadows a managed band system similar in spirit and structure to Chile's exchange-rate regime, where policy targets a relatively undervalued real exchange-rate.

The immediate problems involved in the successful implementation of the austerity measures announced in early March are three:

The success of the austerity measures is a source of debate in private organizations worried about a drastic 4% to 5% fall in total net output. Despite the devaluation and the destabilizing effects of the currency crisis, there are important structural and economic differences from the 1982 collapse which yield a more reliable basis for the adjustment program to absorb the effects in the financial markets and the macroeconomic scenario.

To date, despite recession and instability, foreign investment flows have improved. In the first semester, new foreign inflows reached US$3.12 billion. The Zedillo administration continues to emphasize a commitment to increase direct foreign investment by new privatization and property ownership laws. This will help ameliorate the bitterness of the austerity program and the harsh conditions imposed by the Clinton administration and the IMF in order to guarantee the success of the US$52 billion bailout package. The strictness is evident in the rubrics of monetary and fiscal policy:

  1. A restrictive monetary regime with negative growth in the money supply. This implies a sharp increase of interest rates to soak up liquidity in domestic markets until the parity is stabilized.

  2. A reduction in public expenditures equivalent to 1.2% of GDP in 1995. This implies less funding for social spending and soft credits for depressed sectors.

  3. The privatization of government enterprises and concessions of public services in order to generate a windfall revenue of US$16 billion in 1995. The areas slated for privatization include railway transportation, ports, airports, infrastructure, energy generation plants, and telecommunications.

  4. A 50% increase in consumer VAT tax in order to raise the revenue required for the government to comply with a balanced budget for 1995 (0.5% surplus).

The latest phase of the emergency plan involves the following targets:

ECONOMIC EMERGENCY PLAN 1995 (SECOND PHASE)
GDP Growth: - 2% Inflation: 42% Wage Ceiling of 10% 1.2% reduction in public expenditures "Second Wave" of Privatization: US$16 billion Strict limits on internal credit expansion: NP$10 billion Exchange-rate: NP$6 to US$1 Interest rates (Floor): 35% Current Account deficit: US$2.5 billion
The immediate macroeconomic challenge of this austerity program is to mitigate the contractionary economic consequences of a tight credit policy. A promising strategy is tax simplification and future tax reductions on income to offset the bitterness of the adjustment process. The other is a commitment to broaden deregulation in transportation, labor markets and business requirements. The broad-based plan to sell state-owned assets and "concession" important public services to private parties is also encouraging. The breakdown, in its first phase, is as follows:

SECOND WAVE OF PRIVATIZATION 1995 (IN US$ BILLIONS)
Ports and Airports: $1.2 Satellites: $1.5 Petrochemicals: $1.3 Railroads: $2.0 Energy Generation Plants: $6.0 Telephone Concessions: $1.5 Highway Infrastructure: $1.5 Bancomer Stock: $1.0 Others: $0.5
The partial privatization of the railroad system and the permits for private management of satellites required modification in constitutional provisions governing state ownership of these services. The Zedillo government plans to encourage private capital participation in the form of joint ventures and other contracting out mechanisms consistent with exclusive state ownership of energy assets.

A New Trade Scenario

The first quarter results place special emphasis on the reversal of the trade deficit as a sign that the strict measures of austerity and devaluation are "working out." Thus, the Zedillo administration is citing success on the basis that the current account deficit, the alleged culprit behind the devaluation and the ensuing financial and exchange-rate crisis, has been transformed into a balance. On the other hand, a sharp drop in demand for foreign goods is inevitable in an economy characterized by recession and rising unemployment. So construed, a current account surplus is not necessarily a reflection of a healthy economy. For instance, the auto industry, a standard barometer of economic activity, has experienced its worst crisis in seven years: first quarter sales are down 63.7% in comparison to 1994 -even despite the advantages of lower trade barriers due to phase out periods in NAFTA. It is expected that 30% of all dealerships will close down. This is equivalent to a net loss of 75,000 lots.

The international consensus expects Mexico to come out of recession by early next year. The Zedillo administration reports that the first semester registered a trade surplus of US$2.8 billion. In addition international reserves rebounded from a low in January of US$3.4 billion to some US$14 billion by the end of July. The sharp fluctuations in reserve figures owe to the impact of payments on public debt, amortizations on outstanding tesobonos and funds diverted to capitalize emergency funds for the ailing banking sector. The increase in international reserves and the conversion of the trade deficit into a trade surplus has resulted in renewed optimism. On the other hand, this optimism is substantially misplaced; a trade surplus reflects the impact of large capital flight and the artificial advantages of a cheaper currency, which are gradually short-circuited by rising inflation and high interest rates. The last time the country ended with an annual trade surplus was 1987 - a year better remembered for acute recession, unemployment and the largest rate of inflation in the nation's history (159%).

On the other hand, earlier concerns of a debt moratorium have been minimized. The concerns mostly surround the status of the peso. Although technically undervalued, most analysts have expected the peso to fall further because of sharply rising inflation levels. If the current exchange rate target of 6=1 can be maintained throughout 1995, then the economy will be able to preserve a level of competitiveness with the U.S. while keeping inflation close to the 42% target. This is possible, according to the central bank, because current monetary policy has been significantly restrictive and inflation will fall off sharply after the first semester - thereby making independent monetary policy the main anchor of macroeconomic stabilization. The new peso futures contract in the Chicago Mercantile Exchange will help to minimize risk and convert a future variable cost to a fixed cost, which will help to lock in gains and add stability to a long-term planning.

The Banking Sector

A precondition of recovery is the stabilization of the banking system. Salomon Brothers reports that, according to an analysis using FASB accounting standards, the entire banking system shows a status of insolvency on an adjusted basis. In fact, according to Salomon Brothers, the third largest bank Banca Serfin lost 3.3 billion new pesos or the equivalent of 81% of 1994 year end equity. The difference is that the Mexican accounting standards allow for the creation of loan loss reserves against equity and deferred taxes instead of subtracting from net profits on the income statement.

Not surprisingly, mergers and acquisitions is becoming a crucial mechanism to neutralize problems with increasing defaults and past due loans in the second and third quarters. El Grupo Banco Bilbao Vizcaya bought 70% of Probursa, setting a precedent to follow. The same Salomon Brothers report claims there will be numerous mergers in order to consolidate and repair the system. In effect, nonperforming loans among commercial banks were up by 45% for the first quarter. The total value of damaged portfolios is N$80 billion pesos. In addition, quarterly bank earnings n the same period also witnessed a sharp downward turn. Thus, net profits for Bancomer were down 38.2%, for Banamex 35% and for Bancrecer 94.2%. High interest rates continued to neutralize business and the banking system. It is expected that six local banks will receive a total of N$6.5 billion pesos from the government through the Procapte mechanism. This program is designed to help the banks with capital shortages during this period of high interest rates. Slated for aid in this program are the following banks:

  1. Banca Serfin - N$3.2 billion
  2. Multibanco Comermex - N$1.4 billion
  3. Banco Internacional - N$700 million
  4. Banca Confîa - N$452 million
  5. Banco del Centro - N$452 million
  6. Banco de Oriente - N$311 million

The National Development Plan

The 1995-2000 National Development Plan has five parts: sovereignty; citizen's rights; democratic development; social policy; and economic growth. The latter chapter is designed to promote a minimum of 5% GDP growth every year, and includes fiscal reforms to increase domestic savings, control of public spending and inflation, stabilize the peso, and address fundamental macroeconomic issues. This chapter is pivotal for the overall success of the plan. The country will not be able to improve its position vis-á-vis sovereignty or social growth without stabilizing the economy and providing for high growth. This, in turn, is based on the following set of reforms:

  1. Increase domestic savings through reforms in the labor markets and the social security system.

  2. Create stability and certainty in the financial markets, avoiding an overvaluation of the peso and/or spiraling inflation.

  3. Ensure efficient use of resources by improving local infrastructure, continuing the path of privatization and increasing productivity.

  4. Achieve a balanced environmental policy that is pro-growth but protects natural and environmental resources.

  5. Promote growth of small and medium sized businesses as well as important sectors such as agriculture, fishing, manufacturing, mining and tourism.

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Institutions like Centro de Investigaciones Sobre la Libre Empresa (CISLE) usually restrict their range of activities to either academic goals or public policy goals. At CISLE, we do both. Academically, our aim is to foster a proper understanding of the market system. This is a long-term task. At the level of public policy, our aim is to propose solutions and creative strategies to transform the current system of mixed economy into a system approximating a market regime as far as possible. This is a short-term task, which concentrates on issues like privatization, deregulation, tax reform, legal reform, free trade, and the like.